Shaped by the experiences of officers responding to cuckooing, the influence of wider national agendas and interactions with the practice of cuckooing itself, it is concluded that the spiral might be coming to a conclusion. Drawing on a range of ethnographic data, five stages of the spiral surrounding cuckooing are outlined: (1) identifying cuckooing as a problem (2) demonstrating a response (3) spreading the problem (4) making it other people’s problem too and (5) the establishment of a policing priority. After providing an overview of the fieldwork reported on in this article, the empirical analysis is presented. The article begins with a discussion on the deviancy amplification spiral model, including how it has been applied and developed since its conception. Doing so allows for a fuller explanation of how and why responding to cuckooing has become established as a significant aspect of police work, and an appreciation of the dynamic relationship between this policing activity and its identified target. The analysis also retains an awareness of the emotional and cultural ‘energy’ that runs throughout this process ( Young 2009). This article advances the model by considering the spiralling process within the contemporary context of cuckooing and from within the vantage point of policing. 1978), this is a staple of the criminological tool box, allowing for the cyclical processes of interpretation, intensification and magnification to be considered analytically. Deployed in a number of influential studies (e.g. To theorize this process, it draws on the deviancy amplification spiral model. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, this article considers how responding to cuckooing emerged, developed and became established as a central policing activity. The dynamic processes that have taken place among officers during this time, and how these policing responses have interacted with the practice of cuckooing itself, are important to scrutinize. Following the alignment with these contemporary policing agendas, a desire to respond to cuckooing has become embedded into the practical activities of officers, who often now find this encompassing a significant part of their day-to-day work ( Harding 2020 Spicer 2021a).Īs with many other areas of prioritization, the recent elevation of cuckooing to become a significant area of focus can be considered the result of a number of organizational pressures, shaped by the wider social, cultural and political context in which the police operate ( Chan 1997 Bowling et al. By including other organizations in responding to cuckooing, it also ties into the promotion of multi-agency working, something particularly promoted over recent years due to reductions in police funding and desires for a so-called ‘public health approach’ ( Van Dijk et al.
#Spiral review policier on final case crack#
As a practice explicitly allied with ‘County Lines’, where drug dealers from urban hubs set up retail networks within provincial towns, it overlaps with concerns about recent drug markets evolutions, the apparent connection to serious violence and the wider association of crime and disorder with heroin and crack cocaine ( Coomber and Moyle 2018 Mclean et al.
Because of its nature, it aligns with the desire to respond to vulnerability and prevent exploitation ( Coliandris 2015 Moyle 2019). 2020), can be partly explained by how it touches on a number of contemporary areas of policing prioritization ( Charman 2017 Loader 2020). The focus on this practice, where drug dealers take over vulnerable people’s homes (see Spicer et al.
Over the past five years, responding to ‘cuckooing’ has become a significant policing activity in the United Kingdom.
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